Giri Bahadur Sunar
Khagendra Sunar, a Dalit activist, has put into practice the famous phrase, ‘Hum jahan khade ho jaate hain, line wahi se shuru hoti hain’ (The line begins from where I stand), spoken by Amitabh Bachchan in the 1981 film Kaalia. Mr. Sunar’s personal involvement demonstrates that one individual’s stance can spark a movement.
The campaign ended after forty-five days, during which Mr. Khagendra Sunar sat down for a peaceful protest at Maitighar Mandala, enduring pouring rain and blistering sun—sometimes with food, sometimes without, and often without water. While a few people rallied around him, many did not. Nevertheless, the media were present during the initial stages of Mr. Sunar’s resolve at the beginning of his campaign.
Every day, he stood in shackles, holding a placard that boldly asked “Dalitlai Khai?. Initially, a number of people were not convinced. Others kept on dispiritingly shaking their heads and believing this was a useless undertaking where there would be no audience and his words would resonate in the void. This demoralization was even evident among fellow Dalit activists and political leaders about his cause.
Nonetheless, on September 19, 2024, as the nation celebrated Constitution Day, Sunar’s unwavering determination silenced the skeptics. More than 10,000 Dalit youths had participated in the protest wearing shackles around their necks, t- shirts half-naked and with the musical beats of Panchhe Baja — traditional band played by Dalits. No, Dalits have never gathered in such a large protest spontaneously before. In the past, they would assemble when called upon by political parties. But this time, they have come together on their own, driven by the desire for self-liberation. Protester participated from all 77 districts of Nepal and reached as far as India, the U.S., and Canada, creating a unified day of solidarity and sending a powerful message that crossed borders.
This demonstration served as a potent reminder of the government’s inability to carry out the constitutionally promised rights and protections for Dalits. With placards in hand, protesters marched nonviolently from Maitighar Mandala to New Baneshwor, asking the administration, “Where is the inclusion for Dalits?” The main road was momentarily interrupted by the demonstration, making it difficult for security personnel to control the mob. When the demonstration reached New Baneshwor, it culminated in a meeting in a nook where Khagendra Sunar gave a speech. Songs criticizing caste prejudice were performed by performers such as Hemanta Kanchha Rasaily and Ayush Pariyar.
Among the protestors were the distraught parents of Ajit Mizar, who suffered a similar fate in Kavrepalanchok, and Nawaraj BK, who died tragically in Rukum West as a result of his engagement in an inter-caste romance. Their attendance gave the demonstration a poignant emotional weight that highlighted the extreme injustice that Dalits endure and the urgent need for reform. The struggle for Dalit rights has been propelled by the great grief and desperation felt by these parents, who have personally experienced the worst effects of violence based on caste.
Mr. Sunar underlined that the Rukum tragedy, in which six young men were brutally killed by people deemed to be from the higher caste near the banks of the Bheri River, is the source of the current protest moment. He emphasized how this killing has sparked a fresh demand for justice and equality and serves as a somber reminder of the caste-based horrors that still exist in Nepali society. With the weight of history on their shoulders and their common anguish and demand for an end to discrimination based on caste, the marchers transformed the protest from a fleeting event into a movement for long-lasting change.
After 104 years of oppression under the Rana regime, Nepal was expected to experience optimism and progress with the advent of democracy. The Dalit community took the lead and put everything on the line in the liberation struggle. Through the Mukti Sena (Liberation Army), they allied with the Nepali Congress and were instrumental in toppling the Rana dynasty. They again united in support of the “Janatako Bahudaliya Janabad” and the Marxist-Leninist movement, once again standing solid with the Maoists in their struggle for the emancipation of the people. The Dalits repeatedly contributed their blood, sweat, and dreams to any movement that called for justice and equality.
But where was the Dalits’ place at the table when democracy dawned, and Nepal proclaimed itself a republic? Even though the multi-party system created new political structures, the Dalit voice was missing from the corridors of power, including the cabinet ministries, ambassadorial positions, and other political appointments. Rather, these positions were distributed as tokens and were only available to the spouses, siblings, and close family members of the powerful. Nepotism flourished, and the nation’s resources and power remained firmly in the hands of the so-called upper-caste elites.
Under the pretense of reservations, the Dalits, who had bravely battled for this democracy, were denigrated and given a poor reputation. They were seen as liabilities in a system that merely made token gestures toward diversity, not as equals. For the Dalit community, opportunities were always slammed shut when they opened for others.
The harsh irony that Dalits sacrificed everything to overthrow oppression, only to confront it again in the new system, is a deep wound in the fabric of Nepali democracy. When those who have fought the hardest remain excluded from the promises of equality and representation, how can true progress be claimed?
Dalits are still excluded from important posts in government, even after Congress and Maoist leadership gave way to Congress and Marxist-Leninist leadership. Neither a Dalit minister nor a Dalit representative has any political or ambassadorial positions in the current administration.
Dalits were historically kept in the dark and excluded by the Rana government. But after democracy was established, Dalits started going to school and are now competent for a variety of positions. Nevertheless, despite their credentials and abilities, they continue to be marginalized and undervalued.
With Sunar’s unflinching stance, a movement demanding justice, equality, and full constitutional inclusion for Dalits has gained momentum and a fresh start. Mr. Sunar, who has not formed his political party and is not associated with any, serves as a symbol of hope for the Dalit community in Nepal. As a committed coordinator, he fights for the respect and rights of the Dalit community, which was officially reported to be 13.8% of the total population in the 2021 census. The actual figure, according to some experts and Dalit organizations, might be higher—possibly even higher than 20%—because of underreporting and the complicated sociopolitical context. His dedication to achieving justice for the Dalit people transcends politics.
At a press conference on September 20, 2024, Mr. Sunar brought an end to his 45-day campaign by removing the handcuffs and shackles from the hands of Nabaraj BK and Ajit Mijar’s mother in Maitighar Mandali. He also declared his intention to visit every province and knock on the doors of provincial ministers to inquire about the issues of Dalit and its present status, including Dalit friendly planning and budget including their representation. The Nepali government needs to be vigilant now in order to escape the sway of nepotism. It is no longer possible to overlook the voices of the Dalit community, which makes up 20% of the country’s population. Dalits deserve to be included in the government with fair representation. If not now, when is the right time to make a change?
(The author is a sociologist by profession. He can be accessed through girithezorba@gmail.com )
